Study contraceptives are only provided in the home setting by the nurses at the enrollment visit and are not available or offered at any subsequent visit. This study is a cluster-randomized trial of communities in rural Guatemala where women receive ante- and postnatal care through a community-based nursing program. Her sister, Helen Mack Chang, tirelessly sought justice for her sister’s government-led killing and spearheaded the transformation of Guatemala’s justice system. In 2003, in a groundbreaking decision, the International Court of Human Rights ordered the Guatemalan state to recognize its responsibility in the crime. The Guatemalan state apologized and recognized that government agents were responsible for her murder.
As the community nurses have been using this software for years, our study links to the Madres Sanas dataset but involves separate forms in a separate REDCap database. There are cluster-specific REDCap forms that are collected on enrollment, at 3 months, and at 12 months following enrollment. The schedule of enrolment, interventions, and assessments are shown in Fig.4. The nurses also bring contraceptive educational materials with them to antepartum visits.
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These were used as input to Guatemala’s existing National Law on Youth. Among the participants of the Seminar were many women who were members of two or even three groups facing discrimination in Central America.
This means that if a family can only afford an expensive coyote to smuggle one family member across the border, it will likely be male. The measures would provide basic social and economic rights frequently denied to Guatemala’s indigenous and rural communities.
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Lane’s main inspiration as a feminist activist is the aunt after whom she is named. She never met her father’s sister, but her story helps draw a direct line between the social instability of today and Guatemala’s 36-year civil war.
- Lane’s aunt disappeared in 1981 after she joined left-wing guerrillas fighting the military government.
- This situation is made worse by the recurring impact of disasters and droughts on the most vulnerable communities.
- With her new knowledge and network, she felt more determined and empowered than ever to stand up for the rights of other young women and indigenous people in Guatemala.
- In the midst of the pandemic, powerful and corrupt political and military leaders have attempted to dismantle Guatemala’s Constitutional Court, a legislative body that has kept Guatemalan democracy alive.
- Those concerned about the democratic process in Guatemala have asked the Organization of American States, the UN, and several United States representatives for help.
Looking back, Nanci recognizes the valuable impact that these experiences made on her contribution to politics in Guatemala. She became more confident in herself and in her leadership skills, and she was motivated to have a real influence on the political participation of women and young people within her party. For example, during her party’s 2015 convention, Nanci was part of an internal dialogue process, which successfully led to the appointment of two new members onto the Executive Board as representatives of the Women’s Office and the Electoral Affairs office. In 2014, NIMD invited Nanci to share her experience as National Secretary for Youth for Winaq at the International Seminar for Equity and Political Equality for Women in Honduras. At the event, which was brought together young people from across Central America, Nanci described what it means to be a young indigenous woman in Guatemala’s political system, one which harbours deep inequality and exclusion under the surface. Authorities may offer little support, said a 23-year-old indigenous woman at Center Casa de la Mujer, an organization for victims of gender-based violence in the town of Solola. “The poverty in Guatemala affects women most and hardest, especially indigenous women,” said Antonia Batz, 40, a midwife in Tecpan.
Hip-hop artist Rebeca Lane uses her music to improve social consciousness. Her work discusses women’s rights, historical memory, and plenty of other themes. Between 2014 and 2016, there were 2,264 violent deaths of women in Guatemala, of which 611 were formally reported as femicide. anuela Garcia can still vividly remember the last time she saw her daughter, Maria, alive. Little did Garcia know that 24 hours later, she would find her daughter lying dead on the bedroom floor, her body covered by a rug. The Latin American Studies Association is the largest professional Association in the world for individuals and institutions engaged in the study of Latin America.
Today, safety concerns continue to motivate many Guatemalans to flee their homes and migrate to the United States. Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, three Central American countries that share borders, all rank in the top five globally for their rates of femicide.
Second, the reforms’ impacts were undermined by historically constituted patterns of state-society relations and the uneven nature of the Guatemalan state. The history of women’s rights in Guatemala plays a large part in its legacy.
Today, these textiles and smiling images of women weavers are used to market Guatemala to foreign tourists (including on the government tourism agency’s Instagram account and advertisements across the US). The NAP mentions the development of a “system of monitoring and evaluation” (p. 12). WILPF International does not have a country section https://african-bride.com/ethiopian-women/ in Guatemala and therefore was not involved in the development process of Guatemala’s NAP. Guatemala is a contributor to UN Peacekeeping Operations, with a total of 175 personnel serving in missions as of August 2019. Guatemala both signed and ratified the Arms Trade Treaty , which regulates the flow of weapons across international borders.
Finally, in response to grassroots and international pressure, Congress passed the 2008 law that criminalized femicide and physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence. The law mandated the strengthening of existing institutions and the creation of new institutions that would specialize exclusively in VAW, including specialized courts. These and other postconflict reforms to enhance women’s legal access generated institutions that challenged VAW’s normalization and impunity. Yet new institutions were systematically under-resourced, concentrated in urban centers, and connected to insufficiently reformed institutions that undercut their effectiveness, limiting their impacts for poor, indigenous women in rural communities.